Contextualising journalism education and
training in Southern Africa
Fackson Banda, Catherine M. Beukes-Amiss, Tanja Bosch,
Winston Mano, Polly McLean & Lynette Steenveld
Abstract
In this article it is argued that journalism education in Southern Africa must
contend with defining a new academic identity for itself, extricating itself from
dependency on Western oriented models of journalism education and training,
as this has been a perennial challenge in most of Africa.
Keywords
Botswana, colonialism, identity, journalism education, Lesotho, Malawi,
Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, World Journalism Education Conference,
Zambia, Zimbabwe
Dr Fackson Banda, is an associate professor, Chair of Media and Democracy, Rhodes
University, South Africa; Catherine M. Beukes-Amiss is head of the Department of
Information and Communication Studies at the University of Namibia, Windhoek; Dr
Tanja Bosch teaches media studies at the Centre for Film and Media Studies, University
of Cape Town, South Africa; Dr Winston Mano teaches in the Department of Media and
Journalism, Westminster University, UK; Dr Polly E. B. McLean is an associate
professor, School of Journalism, University of Colorado (Boulder), USA and Dr Lynette
Steenveld teaches media, cultural, and journalism studies at Rhodes University; South
Africa. This overview is based on a research report on journalism education and
training in Africa (project leader and editor: A. S. de Beer) presented to the World
Journalism Education Conference in 2007 in Singapore.
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© Print and online: iMasa. 2007.
Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 28 (1&2): 156-175. ISSN 02256-0054.
Banda et al. ― Contextualising journalism education and training
The context of journalism education in Southern Africa
In order to understand journalism education in Southern Africa, as elsewhere in
Africa, one has to recognize that it is a product of larger social and political
conditions. The challenge for the future is to integrate these contextual
conditions more and more into the very epistemological assumptions upon
which theories of journalism and curricula for journalism education are based.
The challenge to develop curricula and do research based on the realities of
African journalism and steeped in contextualised theory is one that is
acknowledged by several Southern African journalism educators. In the
Zimbabwean context, for example, Stanford Matenda (cited in Mukundu,
2007), Chairman of Department of Journalism, Academic: National University
of Science and Technology (NUST), laments the dearth of African intellectual
material that can be used in media studies:
I would say that, right now, curriculum development in itself is a key
component of our business. While the current training curriculum has
weaknesses (which we are trying to close), by and large I think we are
satisfied with it, as are our students. However, there is a challenge in
building African textbooks and resources into the curriculum, so that
when we train we are not just using materials informed by Western
experience. The lecturers themselves also need to be aware of the
African perspective.
Journalism education in Southern Africa must contend with defining a new
academic identity for itself, extricating itself from dependency on Western
oriented models of journalism education and training. This has been a perennial
challenge in most of Africa (cf. Murphy & Scotton, 1987). A less
instrumentalist approach and a more critical-paradigmatic approach towards
journalism education (Hochheimer, 2001) is needed. Writing in the South
African context, Megwa (2001, p. 284) reinforces this point by urging
journalism educators and practitioners to use their “hands” and “minds”. In the
Zambian context, Hochheimer (2001, p. 109) asks: Can such “alternative
media” be imagined in a country like Zambia, where “the lack of pluralism and
concentration of power in the hands of the state and vested interests leads to
undemocratic practices in Zambian broadcasting”?
This leads to yet another challenge: the introduction of curricula that focus
on providing critical community-media literacy at universities and colleges.
Some African countries witnessed an increase in the number of community
radio stations, posing a challenge for media educators to appropriate within
their curricula this evolution of a communitarian model of broadcasting from a
critical, development-communicational perspective (Banda, 2003).
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Hochheimer (2001, pp. 110-111) poses further challenges for his “journalism of meaning” approach, such as:
•
Implementing gender courses in university journalism curricula, along with
training for women in media management; and
•
Embedding journalism curricula within the students’ own historical,
cultural and social experiences.
The latter point would agree with Ali Mazrui’s concern that Western-based
curricula, based on rationalist-scientific detachment, tend to uproot African
students from their history and culture, making it difficult for them to engage in
reflexivity and critique their own governments from the vantage point of
engaged and constructive citizenry (in Murphy & Scotton, 1987, pp. 18-20).
In Zimbabwe for instance, the challenges for the future of journalism and
journalism education seem to be primarily about finding ways to deal with the
repressive legal environment. In the period 2000-2005, several legal measures
were introduced in Zimbabwe which had the effect of limiting media freedom
and freedom of expression. These are summarised by Mukundu (2007) when he
points out that several print outlets have closed down since 2000 because of
state action taken in terms of the new repressive legal instruments and the insult
laws that still exist in statutes, which have been used to arrest journalists and
ordinary members of society for allegedly insulting the head of state or other
government representatives. Other crucial points include the lack of provisions
for the media regulatory bodies to operate independently from the state; they
both fall directly under the control of the Ministry of Information and Publicity.
Lastly, there is need for the ZBH, the state broadcaster, to follow a publicservice remit so that its radio and TV services serve all Zimbabweans.
The future challenges for Botswana’s journalism and education also relate
to its relationship with government. It is threatened by the possibility of its
government adopting the Mass Media Communication Bill (1997) in its
original form, which, it is feared, will deprive journalists of even the limited
rights they currently have, especially by giving the government the power to
register or deregister all newspapers, search media premises if and when the
Minister deems it necessary, and appoint a chairperson for a press council that
would draw up a code of ethics and be responsible for ensuring compliance
with it. In addition, members of the press council would preside over any
disciplinary measures against the media and their personnel, and proceedings
would be filmed (Sechele, 2007).
However, journalists in Botswana vigorously opposed the 1997 draft and,
in 2004, established their own voluntary press council (the Press Council of
Botswana). More attempts have been made to engage the government on this
new legislation, which might be the route to take in future as well. In Botswana,
the “biggest priority” is audience research and media monitoring (Sechele,
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2007, p. 69). Other key issues include raising training and professional
standards: it was felt that if standards remain low, government and other
interests might want to intervene with various forms of legislation and
regulations. The development of self-regulatory mechanisms for the local
media and the need for community-based broadcasting and print media were
listed among challenges that could affect the future of the media in Botswana.
Problems with journalism training in Lesotho and Swaziland (and often in
the rest of the region) occur with regard to the trainees, the trainers and the
training content. While there is no shortage of potential journalism students,
finding trainers with academic and practical expertise have been difficult and
train-the-trainer courses are needed (Gerdes, 1983).
The challenge is to develop curricula and do research based on the realities
of African journalism and steeped in contextualised theory.
Information and communication technologies
Although access to new technologies is limited as a result of poor
communication network infrastructure, the diffusion of ICTs in Lesotho
newsrooms is growing (Berger, 2005). While the use of internet and email was
rarely used for work purposes, and most journalists were not aware of online
journalism networks, Basotho journalists were confident that ICTs would
improve the quality of the journalism profession in Africa. While the internet is
used by only 1% of the population in Lesotho (Afro barometer), this includes
students, media practitioners and consultants.
In Swaziland, most journalists first come into contact with ICTs on the job;
the internet and email are widely used by journalists for research, side by side
with more traditional technologies such as landline telephones and fax
machines. Journalists were also found to use electronic networks and mailings
from training organisations such as the Institute for the Advancement of
Journalism (IAJ), Media Institute of Southern Africa (Misa), et cetera
(Berger, 2005).
As more people turn to the internet for news and information, the
importance of training media practitioners in online journalism is increasingly
important (Berger, 2005). Online journalism is defined as that produced
exclusively for the World Wide Web. With relatively lower running costs than
traditional media, coupled with a gradual improvement in communication
networks, journalism education in Lesotho and Swaziland must take the
growing field of online journalism into account.
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Gender
A study conducted by the Media Institute of Southern Africa, Swaziland, found
that only 15% of journalists in the Swazi print media are women, and that
women constituted less than 10% of the news sources in economics and sports
and only 9% of the sources accessed in political stories (Lindiwe, 2004). A
journalism graduate student is cited as saying, “journalism is not really
considered a profession in Swaziland, so the working conditions are not
conducive. I believe that if you have acquired tertiary education you deserve to
be accorded your status, but if that does not happen, you lose interest. In the
case of women the situation is even worse” (Lindiwe, 2004).
Today there are women working in the media in Lesotho and Swaziland,
but few have reached decision-making levels. A Misa Media Monitoring
Project Report, “What makes the news and is the news professionally
reported?”, found that news stories in Swaziland poorly reflected gender
diversity, coverage was limited to the capital and even political stories centred
on gossip about local personalities. Fifty-one per cent of stories had only one
source, and many were deemed to be “unfit reporting” (IRIN, 2006). Similarly,
Misa-Lesotho (2007) reports that media still have not grasped the most basic
principles of gender equality, with their blatant reinforcement of gender
stereotypes and gender roles.
In Namibia, journalism education continues to operate on two levels: (1)
single skills building workshops (e.g., HIV/AIDS reporting) and (2) through
one of two tertiary educational institutions in the country that offer a Bachelor’s
degree and a three-year national diploma in media studies/journalism. It is clear
that supply can easily outstrip demand even within a growing media
environment in the country. The question remains whether the institutions are
preparing students for careers in journalism, which only a few will attain, or
whether to be media savvy in an increasingly global media environment. It is
probably the latter where the greatest contribution lies, as the new generation of
leaders becomes more aware of the public’s right to be informed, to access
information and thus to be more active when press freedom is threatened.
Namibian journalism still carries the baggage of being a profession that is
learned on the job with the workshop model supplementing formal training. In
ten years, the two institutions (UNAM in 1997 and the Polytechnic of Namibia
in 2002) of higher learning in Namibia have taken on the responsibility to
provide formal education for the training of journalists and other media
professionals. This is not an easy task, as the departments have to gain the
confidence and respect of the journalists and editors currently in power. The
Polytechnic of Namibia (PoN) seems to be much more aggressive in outreach
to the profession through workshops, applied research endeavours and tackling
critical news subjects (e.g., violence in the media, HIV/AIDS).
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Another challenge for journalism is the tension between the two
institutions that form the foundation of journalism education in Namibia. First,
there is competition for students in a small market where over-supply of
graduates is becoming the norm. While the PoN fares better in faculty to
student ratio, the journalism faculty to student ratio at UNAM is abysmal. The
accrediting body, the Higher Education Qualifications Council, will
undoubtedly have to resolve some of these issues.
In the next section the emphasis falls on specific countries in the Southern
African region.
Botswana
Issues of quality also mark journalism education and training in Botswana,
where the “low standard of journalistic practice is compounded by the limited
number of training institutions” (Sechele, 2007, p. 25). The only school of
journalism, at the University of Botswana, was established four years ago
(2003) and its first crop of undergraduates will have qualified in May 2006
(Sechele, 2007, p. 25). As is the case in Malawi and Zambia mentioned above,
the issue of theory imported from other contexts and imposed on the local one
has also been a factor in Botswana. Prior to the establishment of this
department, most journalists in Botswana were trained abroad, mainly in
Australia, the UK, Canada, the US, South Africa and various other African
countries. South Africa’s proximity to Botswana makes it easy for Botswana
students to study at South Africa’s long-established journalism schools.
The reliance on academic material derived from elsewhere is
acknowledged as a challenge. The country’s media educators advocate the
development of homebred professional media standards and increased attention
to the local context in journalism training. The establishment of the Department
of Media Studies at the University of Botswana is seen by its lecturers as very
significant for the training of journalists.
Lesotho
Vocational training in Lesotho is done by means of short courses organised by
groups such as the Media Institute of Lesotho, whereas formal journalism
education is offered at tertiary level. The National University of Lesotho offers
a Diploma in Mass Communication. This two-year diploma programme was
launched on October 11, 1996, at which point the Minister of Information and
Broadcasting pledged full government support (Free Press).
The Southern African Media Training Trust (NSJ) presents courses on
range of topics, from business reporting to reporting HIV/AIDS, for which
SADC journalists are eligible. Training courses are also offered by Misa, the
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Transformation Resource Centre, the Nordic-SADC Journalism Training
Centre and the Ministry of Communications.
Malawi
Journalism education and training programmes are relatively young in Malawi.
The mushrooming of a great deal of non-tertiary media training institutions is
attributable to the policies of political, economic and educational liberalisation,
particularly evident from the 1990s onwards.
In Malawi, there are two recognised media education/training institutions –
the University of Malawi’s Polytechnic’s Department of Journalism and Media
Studies and the Malawi Institute of Journalism (MIJ). As the names suggest,
the Polytechnic and MIJ seem to privilege vocation over theory, similar to what
increasingly seems to be the case in South Africa. Both institutions are situated
in Blantyre, the business capital of Malawi, demonstrating the ‘business’
approach most such institutions assume towards media training. The
Polytechnic offers a four-year BA degree in journalism and a three-year
diploma, each of which has an annual average intake of 25 to 30 students
(Chitsulo, Chimwaga & Kaombe, 2006, p. 43). It also conducts evening classes
to accommodate as many Malawians as possible.
Namibia
Tertiary journalism education in Namibia became increasingly important as the
new government attempted to create an educational infrastructure where none
had existed before. In 1992, an Act of Parliament established the University of
Namibia (UNAM). Five years later, the Department of Information and
Communication was created. Similarly, a 1994 Act of Parliament called for the
establishment of the Polytechnic of Namibia following the gradual phasing out
of vocational training courses inherited from a merger with the College for Outof-School Training. In 1996, the PoN became an independent, autonomous,
degree granting institution. Four years later, in 2000, the PoN began to offer a
three-year national diploma in Journalism and Communication Technology
through the School of Communication, Legal and Secretarial Studies –
Department of Media Technology Studies.
Although these two institutions, located just a few kilometres from each
other, developed a journalism programme along separate pathways and without
consultation with each other, both institutions, surprisingly, looked toward US
faculty or US-trained faculty for their initial direction. The media studies
programme at UNAM first received assistance from a US journalism professor,
followed by a Fulbright scholar in 1999 and 2000. The journalism diploma
programme at the PoN was initiated through a joint project with a faculty
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member at the Department of Communication at Elizabethtown College in
Pennsylvania in 2000 and subsequently through a consultancy with a UStrained faculty member at a sister Polytechnic in South Africa and a number of
partnering and training efforts with US colleges (Utah Valley State College)
and schools in Finland, The Netherlands and South Africa (E. Brown, personal
communication, April 24, 2007).
The curriculum profile for both the UNAM and the PoN includes courses
on theory, communication law and ethics, media writing and reporting, public
relations, advertising, desktop publishing and web page design.
The Bachelor’s degree in media studies at UNAM requires students to
double major in any number of sub-specialisations (e.g., psychology, religious
studies, music, philosophy, and English, French, German or computer science).
As a programme within the Department of Information and Communication
Studies (library science and information technology), media studies students
also must take courses within this specialisation.
There has been no rigorous academic research conducted into the teaching
of journalism in Malawi and Zambia. One can cite remote examples, such as
Wimmer and Wolf (2005), who sought to establish the significance of
development journalism at African universities. These authors, whose study
also extends to Malawi and Zambia, note the need to define more precisely the
influence of education on journalistic everyday life. The mere teaching of
certain contents, they argue, does not necessarily mean that the journalists act
accordingly, a circumstance also suggested by many journalist interview
surveys conducted so far.
Journalism pedagogy has not yet emerged as an area of specialisation
among Namibian educators. The media studies emphasis at UNAM was
introduced into a department with a library and information science focus.
Therefore, research efforts in the department are not journalism-centred, but
rather mirror some of the other emerging needs of the nation, as well as the
priorities articulated by the international community through Unesco and the
UN Millennium Development Goals. Hence, research in the department at
UNAM focuses on information and communication technology (ICT) (BeukesAmiss, 2007; Mwilima, 2006; Nengomasha, 2003), as well as on library and
information science as a means of accelerating national development
(Mchombu, 2004; 2007). Research conducted in the department at the PoN is
applied and geared towards newsroom practices and policies. The faculty are
also involved with a number of baseline studies on readership/audiences
conducted within SADC. These baseline studies lie within the parameters of the
national interests and regional and international imperatives. As a result, the
studies explore gender mainstreaming (Morna & Shilongo, 2002; Brown, 2006)
and media coverage of HIV/AIDS and gender (Rama & Morna, 2005).
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South Africa
Changes in both the state and the media landscape in South Africa after
apartheid have impacted on the discourses about journalism education. Two
discourses were influential in this regard: transformation and private-public
partnerships. A key concern amongst the business community was how they
would be treated by the new ANC-led government. Having been castigated for
their role in the apartheid era, media companies were only too willing to show
their commitment to ‘the new South Africa’. One way they did this was by
pledging their commitment to ‘training’ – not least so they could ‘fast-track’
black journalists,1 and thus signal the transformation of their companies.
In the 1970s (after the foundation of the first journalism programme at
Potchefstroom University, now Northwest University) a number of
communication departments were founded at South African universities which
included, to a lesser or greater extent, courses in journalism within a three-year
BA programme: Rand Afrikaans; Free State; Zululand; and University of South
Africa. A department offering a one-year postgraduate programme in
journalism was founded at Stellenbosch University, as well as a number of
journalism courses at technikons (now universities of technology). Graduate
degrees on Master’s and doctoral level are offered at most of these institutions
(for an historical overview and analysis of degree programmes, see De Beer &
Tomaselli, 2000, as well as the article by Botha & De Beer in this edition of
Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies for a recent overview).
The development of journalism education in the 1980s was stifled by the
declaration of two States of Emergency and by the apartheid state, which was at
its most forceful. The Employment Equity and the Skills Development Acts of
1998 helped to consolidate the industry’s dominance, as both were mechanisms
by which the government could enlist the financial support of industry in
upgrading industrial skills through training programmes.
1
164
Tsedu (1996, p. 33) comments on independent newspapers’ “fast-tracking”
programme: “It is quite clear that there are no editors’ jobs waiting out there in
those papers. Many of us understood that the rhetoric of the selling of the
programme had much to do with the public relations exercise and as such had not
sufficiently emphasised what this programme was really about: training. And for
those of us who saw this, we felt it was as situation that should be understood for
what it was: a group of white executives trying to salve their consciences and take
off the load of accusations of no black advancement in the company by spending
R1 million. Blacks in the programme had to also understand that they sorely
needed the skills that the programme gave them, skills that they could use as editors
if they were appointed, or as senior editorial executives which many if not all of
us were.”
Banda et al. ― Contextualising journalism education and training
Companies are required to commit 0.5% of their turnover to a Skills
Development Fund to which they can apply for a rebate for any training they
offer. This encouraged the participation of industry in training – not only as
training providers, but also as key members of the Sector Education and
Training Authorities (SETAs) that set the requirements and standards of
professional competency. Industrial training was thus integrated into a broad
National Qualifications Framework (NQF) that sought to locate different kinds
of learning on the same education grid.2
Professional education has largely become driven by industrial and
commercial imperatives, rather than by the more civic-minded and critical
approach of a university-based education, resulting in a functionalist approach
to learning – as ‘training’. This is evident in the different kinds of training
courses3 available to mid-career journalists and in the discourses evident at
three of the most recent conferences convened to address the problems of
journalism and journalism training/education. Post-1994 discourses have in
effect transformed ‘journalism education’ into journalism training’. Critical
analysis of the industry has become a scarce item on the journalistic academic
agenda, nor indeed of what an appropriate relationship between members of the
industry (journalists, editors, managers, owners) and tertiary media educators
should be. There has also been little discussion of what a critical pedagogy
might be.
Swaziland
Few training opportunities exist for journalists or potential media practitioners.
The highest qualification is from Swaziland University, which offers a threeyear Diploma in Journalism and Mass Communication, with a required minor
in economics, law or sociology. However, the department is severely under2
3
The Skills Development Act states its intentions thus follows: “To provide an
institutional framework to devise and implement national, sector and workplace
strategies to develop and improve the skills of the South African workforce; to
integrate those strategies within the National Qualifications Framework
contemplated in the South African Qualifications Authority Act, 1995; to provide
for learnerships that lead to recognised occupational qualifications; to provide for
the financing of skills development by means of a levy-grant scheme and a
National Skills Fund; to provide for and regulate employment services; and to
provide for matters connected therewith. [http://www.labour.gov.za/download
/8478/Act%20%20skills% 20Development%20Act.doc]
For an overview of the kinds of training courses offered within the Southern
African region, see the report by Morna and Khan (2001), titled “Southern Africa
media training needs assessment”, which was commissioned by the Nordic Institute
of Southern Africa (NIZA).
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resourced, and the majority of trained journalists do not enter the profession,
but work in areas related to publicity and public relations (Misa, 2007). As a
result, both the profession and the practice of journalism are affected.
Swaziland has also been selected as one of five countries into which South
Africa’s Institute for the Advancement of Journalism (IAJ) is launching a
regional media development project. Working together with Misa-Swaziland
and the Swaziland National Association of Journalists, the IAJ will provide
training targeted to increase the standard of journalism and reporting. This will
bring training into the country, as opposed to having local journalists travel
overseas to participate in training programmes for African journalists, such as
those run by the Radio Netherlands Training Centre.
Furthermore, in Swaziland the Swaziland Distance Learning Project in
Public Journalism was a pilot project delivered through a combination of
interactive internet video and a two-week field experience. Initiated through a
grant from the US Information Agency’s Distance Learning Initiative and a
grant from the Elizabethtown College President’s Fund for Distinction, midcareer journalists from print and broadcast organisations in Swaziland
developed an understanding and appreciation for civic/community journalism
(Gillis & Moore, 1999).
Zambia
In Zambia, journalism courses are offered at different levels. The University of
Zambia (UNZA) runs a four-year degree course in mass communication and
two Master’s degree courses in mass communication and development
communication.
There is an assumption that journalism education/training prepares students
to be watchdogs over their governments. This is a particularly American
libertarian influence, perpetuated through grants and scholarship schemes
provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID),
especially at the height of political transformation in the early 1990s. Right
from the start, then, media training assumes an antagonistic relationship with
those in political power.
There is also an epistemological accent on orienting journalism students to
practice their skills from the vantage point of specific, established academic
disciplines. As such, the UNZA courses are structured in such a way that
students at undergraduate level can minor in such other subjects as philosophy,
linguistics, economics, development studies, public administration, et cetera. In
a sense, this is designed to elevate the academic profile of journalism as
drawing upon multiple disciplinary models, methods and modus operandi. This
seems to reflect the multidisciplinary nature of the field of communication and
media studies generally (McQuail, 2004).
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Banda et al. ― Contextualising journalism education and training
Journalism curricula are split between theory and practice. The theory
component would consist of such core compulsory courses as history of mass
communication; theories of mass communication, mostly focusing on media
effects traditions; media law and ethics; and media management.
The theory-practice split is never clear cut. In an environment where
training institutions are ill equipped and where there are too few media
companies to facilitate ‘industry attachments’, practical courses rarely achieve
their objectives. It is conceivable that the practical component may not be
realised in ways that can truly equip the students for the job market. Students
are exposed only to the textbook knowledge of the skills they are supposed to
cultivate.
Zimbabwe
In 1987, Zimbabwe had two institutions offering diplomas in journalism, media
studies or mass communication at the Harare Polytechnic and the Christian
College of Southern Africa (CCOSA). But by 2005, there were three
universities (Midlands State University, National University of Science and
Technology and the Zimbabwe Open University) offering undergraduate
degrees, one university offering a postgraduate diploma and a Master’s degree
(University of Zimbabwe) and three more colleges (CCOSA, BES, Career
Management Centre, Umaa Institute) offering diploma programmes country
wide. In 2007, Zimbabwe had four vocational journalism schools in the country
and four university departments offering journalism programmes.
Mukundu (2007, p. 58) quotes Stanford Matenda, a lecturer at NUST, as
saying that journalism training is affected by the post-2000 repressive
environment:
From a training perspective, we have seen the closure of newspapers and
other developments which affect opportunities for our students. The
closures have limited the choice for student internships, whether in the
broadcasting sector, the print media sector or in online media
organisations; we are aware that online media organisations are based
outside of the country and there is virtually none which is gathering and
disseminating information locally … These developments have affected
our work; we therefore continue to monitor developments on the ground
closely, looking at how our operations are affected and potential roles
we can play.
Since 1993, the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) has offered a one-year full-time
graduate Diploma in Media and Communication Studies. Entry is open to first
degree-holders with at least a 2.1 overall pass. The programme introduced a
two-year part-time MA degree in Media and Communication from 1998. It is
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sponsored by the Norwegian Agency for Rural Development (NORAD) and
has received teaching, curriculum and other material support from the
Department of Media and Communication in Norway. Other new programmes
are modelled after the UZ programme and have also used UZ graduates as
teachers for their courses.
The Department of Journalism and Media Studies in the Faculty of
Communication and Information Science at the National University of Science
and Technology (Zimbabwe) runs a three-year Bachelor of Science degree in
Journalism and Media Studies. The BSc. programme offers its students 16
courses, a unique mixture of practical and theoretical elements of journalism.
Subjects include media law, media ethics, media economics and management,
research methods and modules on broadcasting, print and advertising. The
practical courses are currently weakened by a serious lack of equipment, as
funds for books and technical equipment provided by the NUST are inadequate.
In Zimbabwe, journalism teaching is also largely done along professional
lines at the four vocational journalism schools in the country and four
university departments offering journalism programmes.
Concluding remarks
Journalism education in Africa is on its way, but the road ahead is steep. The
strongest base is in South Africa, but the lack of capacity and infrastructure, the
impact of problematic political systems and an over-reliance on Western aid
and influence might hamper this growth in the foreseeable future.
Nyamnjoh (2005, p. 95), though reflecting on the generality of training and
professionalism in Africa, argues that it is important to distinguish between the
formally trained journalists who have not had the opportunity to implement
what they learnt at school and those who join the profession without any
training at all. While the latter need to be introduced to the techniques and
principles of news gathering, news writing and news presentation, the former
need refresher courses to keep them abreast of technological developments and
with cases of journalistic excellence in Africa. In sum, African journalists all
need to be conversant with new technologies in information gathering,
processing and distribution, and to understand the ethical implications of using
these technologies.
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