Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? Solar Symbolism of ’Horns of Consecration’? Tomislav Bili} Archaeological museum in Zagreb Trg Nikole Šubi}a Zrinskog 19, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia tbilic@amz.hr Abstract The paper examines a tentative hypothesis according to which the so-called horns of consecration found at the Eneolithic site of Vučedol in eastern Croatia offer support for the existence of horizon solar observations in the Vučedol culture. The support, if any, could only come from the context of the ind, rather than from the comparative material adduced in the paper. In the irst place, the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ are usually derived from certain Egyptian hieroglyphs, especially the akhet-sign. It was further argued that they were actually used as a crude instrument in solstitial observations, but their symbolical function is also emphasized. Yet the iconographic sources do not substantiate their connection with the sun, let alone the solstices. Concerning the akhet-sign in the context of Egyptian culture, the evidence similarly does not seem to support its association with the solstices. Several such associations have been proposed, both referring to linguistic and iconographic sources, as well as landscape arrangements and much later religious-calendaric considerations. However, none of them seems convincing. The same can be said for Mesopotamia, where a similar symbol is found and analysed in iconographic and literary sources. In conclusion, it is maintained that the postulated context of the inds is the only supportive evidence for any solar connotation of the ‘horns of consecration’ in the Vučedol culture. Therefore it cannot convincingly be argued that this object actually played any part in the horizon solar observations at Vučedol. KEYWORDS: Vučedol, horns of consecration, akhet, solstice POVZETEK Članek raziskuje hipotezo, po kateri naj bi t.i. konsekrativni rogovi, najdeni na eneolitskem najdišču Vučedol na vzhodnem Hrvaškem, dokazovali, da so v vučedolski kulturi opazovali Sončevo gibanje po horizontu. Kakršna koli podpora tej hipotezi bi lahko prišla le iz konteksta najdbe, ne pa iz primerjalnih dejstev, navedenih v članku. Razširjeno je mnenje, da minojski konsekrativni rogovi izhajajo iz določenih egiptovskih hieroglifov, posebno iz znaka akhet. Nekateri tudi menijo, da so jih dejansko uporabljali kot okoren inštrument za opazovanje solsticijev, čeprav so imeli tudi simbolni pomen. Vendar pa v ikonografskih virih ni najti temeljev za njihovo povezavo s Soncem, kaj šele s solsticijem. Tudi v kontekstu egiptovske kulture ni trdnih dokazov o povezavi znaka akhet s solsticiji. Nekaj poskusov v tej smeri je bilo – le-ti so se opirali na lingvistične in ikonografske vire, ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTEBOOKS 19 (SUPPLEMENT) 105 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 ureditve pokrajine in kasnejša verska in koledarska pojmovanja –, vendar se noben ne zdi prepričljiv. Enako velja za mezopotamsko kulturo, ki pozna podoben simbol. Lahko zaključimo, da so kontekstualni podatki o najdbi edini dokaz v prid povezave konsekrativnih rogov vučedolske kulture s Soncem. Zatorej ni možno z gotovostjo trditi, da so v Vučedolu te rogove dejansko uporabljali za opazovanje Sonca na horizontu. KLJU^NE BESEDE: Vučedol, konsekrativni rogovi, akhet, solsticij Introduction In an earlier paper (Bilić 2013, forthcoming) I have argued that the complicated entrance complex on the Gradac (hill fort), the ‘acropolis’ of the Vučedol settlement, which consisted of two structures in front of the house itself, doors that led to the antechamber, and doors to the main room, could have been oriented towards the summer solstice sunset. The entrance complex is constructed in such a way so as to preclude the entrance of the sun’s rays in the ‘megaron-house’ during the entire year, except for 31 days before and after the summer solstice. Also, 12 days before and after the summer solstice the sunlight would only enter the interior chamber, no longer illuminating the interior wall of the antechamber of the ‘megaron-house’; this was perhaps combined with the longer period of illumination in order to obtain the precise day of the solstice. I have argued that a Vučedol observer could have kept tally of the number of days between the sun’s ‘entrance’ into the inner chamber and its ‘exit’ from it, a total of sixty–two days, perhaps also the tally of the number of days between the sun’s ‘complete entrance’ into the inner chamber and its ‘complete exit’ from it, which takes a total of twenty–four days, and the midpoint between these two – or four – events would have given him the day of the summer solstice. Standing alone, this hypothesis is hard to defend, but it does gain some support based on the additional evidence adduced below. However, this evidence does not decidedly point towards the importance of the solstices in the context of the Vučedol culture, but rather to the presence of horizon solar observations in general. Thus a preliminary analysis of eight houses from the Streim Vineyard at Vučedol (after Forenbaher 1994, 1995) has shown that seven of them (objects 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 9, 10) were indeed oriented upon the arc of the horizon between the summer solstice sunrise and the east (or the winter solstice sunset and the west), while the eighth (object 5) was less that ive degrees off to the north (or south) if measured by its walls, but inside the arc if measured by its axis. This suggests that the position of the sun at the horizon played some part in the orientation of Vučedol houses. It does not, however, point to any special importance of the solstices. As a comparison, the Neolithic Linear pottery complex long houses are in general oriented upon the arc of the horizon between 90 and 180° (Marshall 1981: 115; Hodder 1990: 170). On the other hand, the majority of eastern causeways of circular earthworks of the late Neolithic Lengyel culture, whose function was perhaps ritual, are generally oriented upon the sunrise points at the horizon between the winter and summer solstice (Pásztor, Barna & Roslund 2008: 916-918, 921-922), while 80% of the entrances of the analysed Late Neolithic houses on the Orkneys lie on a NW-SE axis, similar to the orientation of local passage graves. Most of these have east-facing entrances, although the most notable, Maes Howe, is oriented upon the winter sunset), while the orientation 106 Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? of central hearths is predominantly towards solstice sunrise and sunset points (Parker Pearson & Richards 1994: 40-2). The results of the analysis of Vučedol houses thus provide some – but not decisive – support by contextualizing the previous hypothesis concerning the orientation of the megaron. Furthermore, the horizon solar observations were probably a part of ritual performances in the Vučedol settlement, which is corroborated with the ever present solar symbolic on Vučedol pottery. The elaborate pottery decoration has been adduced as another type of evidence for the performance of horizon solar observations in the Vučedol culture (on this see also Bilić 2013 with earlier literature). It was argued that the decoration of the ritual vessels of the Vučedol culture relects the importance of the horizon observations of the sun and that precisely this position of the sun had some special signiicance for the Vučedol population. However, this additional contextualizing evidence still does not point decidedly to the solstices. ’Horns of consecration’ and solar interpretations of their origin During the original excavations of the Vučedol Gradac, the excavators found a specimen of the so-called horns of consecration in the basement II D, in a layer containing Vučedol material, dating from the 1st half of the 3rd millennium B.C. (Schmidt 1945: Fig. 22 on p. 33, 36, 106, Pl. L.3; Durman 1988: 148 cat. nr. 37; Milićević Bradač 2005: 192 and Fig. 21) (Figure 1).1 Figure 1. ‘Horns of consecration’ from Vucedol (Schmidt 1945: Pl. L.3). Considering the postulated importance of solar observations in the Vučedol culture it seems appropriate to discuss the meaning of the so-called horns of consecration both in the context of solar observations and by keeping in mind the presence of solar elements in the Vučedol cult. The solar origin of the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’2 was suggested rather early in the history of their discovery and the initial attempts to explain them. The concept arose, it seems, through an association with certain Egyptian hieroglyphs that This is not the only specimen of the ‘horns of consecration’ in the context of the Vučedol culture, but it is the only one from the Gradac. 2 Cf. the Minoan hieroglyphic sign no. 37 � (Evans) (Marinatos 2010: 103-4). 1 107 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 were attributed solar connotations. Thus Newberry (1908: 27-8) associated the Cretan ‘horns of consecration’ with hieroglyphic signs N35 (<), denoting foreign country, desert, desert country, and land of Retjenu and N36 (=), denoting mountain.3 To the best of my knowledge, it was Gärte who, after repeating Newberry’s claims (1922: 81-2), irst associated a representation similar to the Cretan ‘horns of consecration’ on a stele from Cartage, actually the upper part of the Tanit-symbol, and this part of the symbol in general, with the Egyptian sign for horizon, N 37 (>) (Gärte 1922: 93, cf. 92-4; cf. Nilsson 1950: 187-8, 1967: 274; Powell 1977: 72; D’Agata 1992: 247 n. 6; MacGillivray 2004: 331; Milićević Bradač 2005: 193 with n. 4; Banou 2008: 28; Marinatos 2010: 106).4 It was Hazzidakis (1934: 102-3), though, who irst suggested the possibility that Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ were derived from the Egyptian signs for mountain (=) or horizon, akhet (>, ‘solar mountain’, according to him) (cf. Banou 2008: 28), adding that they were symbols of a Minoan solar deity. Nilsson (1950: 189), although acknowledging the ‘undeniable’ similarity between the ‘horns of consecration’ and the akhet-sign, still rejected this thesis (cf. Powell 1977: 72; Marinatos 2010: 106). The notion was not further discussed until Powell published an article in 1977 strongly arguing for the derivation of the ‘horns of consecration’ from the hieroglyphic sign for the horizon (see esp. 1977: 72, 74; cf. D’Agata 1992: 247 n. 6; MacGillivray 2004: 331, Banou 2008: 28; Marinatos 2010: 106). In 1984, Makkay argued for the similarity of the mountain-sign (N26) with a depiction resembling the ‘horns of consecration’ on a Middle or Late Neolithic ceramic object from Knossos (Makkay 1984: 22, 24 with Fig. 1.2b on p. 23; cf. Milićević Bradač 2005: 193). A possible connection of Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ with the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for the mountain5 or horizon6 was only occasionally mentioned. The closest approximation to the akhet-sign I have managed to ind in Minoan representations is a snake tube from Gournia, which has the ‘horns of consecration’ with a (slightly off-centre) disk between them topping the handle (Gesell 1976: 248, 256, cat. no. 3, Pl. XLI.3; cf. Gärte 1922: 76 with Fig. 5, Hazzidakis 1934: 102 with Fig. 17). Hazzidakis (1934: 104) attempts to explain the fact that the disk is rarely depicted together with the horns of consecration by arguing for the superstition of the Minoans, which is a rather desperate interpretation. More recently, three authors have approached the issue from a somewhat different angle, although still retaining the old notion of the association between the akhet-sign and the so-called horns of consecration, and their arguments are of a special importance to us. MacGillivray (2004: 331, cf. 2000: 129) has argued for the derivation of the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ from the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for mountain and horizon, retaining the meaning of ‘mountainous horizon’ (cf. Banou 2008: 29; Marinatos 2010: 106). Moreover, he has argued for their practical use in solar observations (MacGil- 3 Cf. Nilsson 1950: 187, 1967: 274, Powell 1977: 72, MacGillivray 2004: 331. Nilsson 1950: 187, cf. 1967: 274 n. 7, on the other hand, cites Kristensen 1913 as suggesting the similarity of the ‘horns of consecration’ with the Egyptian sign for the horizon (cf. Marinatos 2010: 106). 5 Watrous 1998: 23-24. Cf. Banou 2008: 29; Marinatos 2010: 106. 6 MacDonald 2005: 68-9; Moss 2005: 160, 210-3. Cf. Banou 2008: 29. 4 108 Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? livray 2000: 129, 2004: 331; cf. Banou 2008: 35, 40), more speciically, for the observation of solstices (MacGillivray 2000: 129). Thus he believes that they were used as devices for the standardization of the position of the solstice points, substituting the non-existing undulating horizon (MacGillivray 2004: 331; cf. Banou 2008: 29, 41). In this way, he speciically associates the so-called horns of consecration with the observation of solstices. Furthermore, he also believes that primary function of peak sanctuaries were astral observations (cf. MacGillivray & Sackett 2000: 169 for Petsophas, where the ‘horns of consecration’ device would have had to been used, and cf. Henriksson & Blomberg 1996: 103, 112, 114, who argue for astronomical observations as one of their functions), more speciically, the sun’s annual path along the horizon (MacGillivray 2004: 331; cf. Banou 2008: 34). In this connection, Banou (2008: 34) argues that the clay model of ‘horns of consecration’ from the peak sanctuary of Petsophas represents a symbol analogous to the Egyptian sign for mountain. Moreover, it has been argued that the peak sanctuary of Petsophas was used as a solar observatory, more speciically, for the observation of the summer solstice sunrise (Henriksson & Blomberg 1996: 104-5, 109, 1997-8: 147-51, 2001: 611-2; Goodison 2004: 348, opting for the winter solstice sunrise; cf. Banou 2008: 34). Thus at Petsophas we would see the connection between the so-called horns of consecration and solstice observations. Finally, Banou (2008: 40) sees in the ‘horns of consecration’ both the symbols of mountain peaks from which astronomical observations were made and practical instruments for solar observations and she further suggests that their edges could have indicated the solstice points on the horizon (Banou 2008: 41). Last but not least, Marinatos (2010: 106-7, 109-10, 113, 115-6) has spoken in favour of a cosmological interpretation of the ‘horns of consecration’, recognising in them a symbol denoting ‘the twin peak mountain depicting the east and west points of the horizon’ or ‘the gate of the cosmic mountain of sunrise and sunset’, analogous to the Egyptian akhet-sign (which she refers to as ‘cosmic mountain’). On balance, based on the evidence discussed above, attempts that have been made in the past to connect the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ with the sun, let alone the solstices, are weak. The connections are extremely hypothetical and, consequently, the thesis remains unproven, regardless of the arguments that have been put forward in favour of the (again hypothetical) derivation of this object from the akhet-sign. The akhet-sign – the Egyptian origin of ’horns of consecration’? To this point I have presented a short review of opinions concerning the solar origin of the so-called horns of consecration. In that review a tentative picture emerged of an object whose morphology was derived from Egyptian hieroglyph(s) with certain solar connotations and which was used as a symbol of annual solar movement, more precisely, its extreme points, and perhaps also as an object that functioned as a practical instrument for the observation of solstices. This is arguably the context in which they were found on the Vučedol hill fort: next to a structure generally oriented towards the summer solstice sunset and used to determine the day of the summer solstice with the ‘halving the difference’ method in the context of a culture known to have performed horizon solar observa- 109 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 tions and utilized them in decoration of their ritual vessels. However, since the Minoan evidence remains at best tentative, it does not seems possible to draw from it such a strong conclusion regarding the situation at Vučedol, especially since any notion of the solstice observations at Vučedol remains entirely hypothetical. The suggestion that the akhet/‘horns of consecration’ symbol, or its edges, represented the extreme points in the annual solar motion has to be examined more thoroughly. The akhet-sign possesses undeniable solar associations, both in its graphic appearance and in cosmological notions associated with the concept underlying its appearance. Yet a more speciic reference to the solstices seems to be absent. It might be as old as the Naquada I period (ca. 4000-3500 BC). Thus Piankoff (1957: i.31 Fig. 11) reproduces a decoration on Amratian pottery depicting a double mountain surrounded by waters with two solar disks on each side of the mountain (cf. Giedion 1962: ii.129 Fig. 69; Smith 1987: 89 Fig. 4.38). There are no depictions of the akhet-sign during the dynastic periods predating the New Kingdom; however, in PT 685.2064 the king’s birth (accompanying Re in the Netherworld?) is described as the splitting apart of two mountains, which might suggest that the concept apparent in the later sign could have been in circulation much earlier (cf. Piankoff 1957: i.31 n. 6). Finally, CT 305.iv.59 mention ‘the two great mountains on which Re appears’.7 Figure 2: Amratian vessel, Naquada I period (Piankoff 1957: i.31 Fig. 11). Banou (2008: 32) cites several Egyptological discussions relating to the fact that the towers lanking the central east-facing entrance of the New Kingdom temples might represent the horizon-sign, marking the position of the solstices on the eastern horizon. Yet all that the authors she cites say is that those towers either symbolize ‘the twin mountains of Bakhu and Manu between which the sun god rose daily’ (Aldred 1987: 165), which has no reference to the solstices, or ‘the two peaks of the horizon between which the sun rose’ (Wilkinson 1992: 135). Wilkinson further adds that the pylons ‘symbolized the gate of the eastern horizon (N27)’ 7 On the concept of akhet in general see especially Kuentz 1920: 140 passim, esp. 189-90; also Breasted ARE ii, p. 132 n. c, v, p. 132; Piankoff 1934: 58, 59; Faulkner 1962: 4-5; Goelet in Dassow 1998: 143; Assmann 1980: iii.3-7 s.v. Horizont); Assmann 2003: 58; Allen 1988: 6, 2003: 27. 110 Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? (Wilkinson 1992: 139), which also refers to the sun’s diurnal path. Furthermore, it is claimed that ‘the pylon, with its two pylon towers and the recess between them within the gateway, represents the horizon’ (Redford 2001: iii.372), which again bears no reference to the sun’s annual movement. In another work R.H. Wilkinson more explicitly stated that ‘the pylon mimicked the shape of the akhet or horizon hieroglyph’ (Wilkinson 2000: 60, cf. p. 77, igure caption), ‘on which the sun rose each day’ (Wilkinson 2000: 77), adding that the pairs of obelisks placed on each side of the entrance pylons may have functioned ‘to some degree as a form of the two mountains of the horizon upon which the pylons themselves were modelled’ (Wilkinson 2000: 78). Still, there is no implicit or explicit reference to the solstices. A reference to the sun’s annual path associated with the akhet-sign can perhaps be recognized in a representation on the papyrus of Khonsu-mes A from the 21st dynasty (Piankoff 1957: i.145 Fig. 62). Here the hoeing of the ground is represented inside a circle, together with two disks on both sides of the east-west axis of the circle, joined together by nine dotted lines; outside the circle, on its eastern (upper) side, is a large akhet-sign, while two goddesses, ‘The One of the North’ (on the left) and ‘The One of the South’ (on the right), pour out a iery liquid from two vases, which forms two concentric circles around the circle, indicated by dotted lines. The points where the liquid touches the circle correspond to the ends of the horizon-sign, in this way forming the southern and northern limit of sunrise. This is a rather speculative suggestion, but it is not impossible that the tips (summits) of the akhet-sign might have represented – during this late period of Egyptian history (10th-9th c.) – the limits of the sun’s annual movement. A similar suggestion was offered by Kuentz, who claims that the dual form akhty can be understood as the section of the eastern horizon within the extreme points of annual solar movement, rather than in its usual meaning of ‘eastern and western horizon’ (Kuentz 1920: 170-2); thus, we could suppose that the word could have also been applied to the section of the western horizon within the extreme points of annual solar movement. This is precisely the meaning of the expression ‘two easts and two wests’ (Quran 55:17) as understood by the Islamic commentaries cited by Kuentz (Kuentz 1920: 169-70, cf. Minorsky 1970: xlix n. 5 and the identical explanation in Tabari, Rosenthal 1989: i.234 and in Tafsir Ibn Kathir, Tanwīr al-Miqbās min Tafsīr Ibn Abbās and Tafsīr al-Jalālayn ad 55:17). Thus, according to Kuentz, akhty could occasionally actually mean ‘the summer solstice and the winter solstice’ from the perspective of horizon observation (‘l’orient entre le lever d’hiver et celui d’été’). A much more spectacular hypothesis associates the akhet-sign to the Giza pyramid complex in the context of solstices. When observed from the eastern niche of the Sphinx Temple, the sun sets almost exactly halfway between the pyramid of Cheops (Khufu) and that of Chephren (Khafra) on the summer solstice, thus forming a huge akhet-sign (Lehner 1985: 141, 1997: 130; Shaltout, Belmonte & Fekri 2007: 417-8; Magli 2011: 28; Magli 2009: 41 takes for the point of observation the NW corner of the Chephren’s Valley Temple). Since the Egyptian name of Cheops’ pyramid – probably also of the entire Giza complex – was actually Akhet Khufu (Lehner 1985: 142, 1997: 130; cf. Kuentz 1920: 147, also Simpson 2003: 18, P. Westcar vii.8), while the Sphinx’s name was Har-em-akhet, it is possible that the horizon on which this Horus was placed was precise- 111 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 ly Cheops’ horizon (Shaltout, Belmonte & Fekri 2007: 419, 436; Magli 2009: 48 n. 8). Wilkinson (1992: 135, 1994: 159, cf. 166 and Ill. 120) further adds that the Giza Sphinx (Hor-em-akhet) can be understood as a representation of Horus on a horizon formed by Cheop’s and Chephren’s pyramid (cf. Shaltout, Belmonte & Fekri 2007: 417, 418 Fig. 13). According to this theory, the akhet-sign would be a symbol for the summer solstice. But how can this be reconciled with the fact that the symbol denoting the horizon was depicted differently in the earlier period? We might further add that the word ‘solstice’, together with the notion of solstices in general, does not appear in Egyptian texts,8 while a description of the sun’s annual movement from the Ptolemaic period – an inscription on the statue of the astronomer-priest Harkheby (Daressy 1916: 2-4; Clagett 1995: ii.495; Lehoux 2007: 121) – mentions ‘the northward and southward motions of the sun’, which is simply a description of solar movement, rather than a technical term which would be used in a scientiic description of the observation of solar phenomena. Figure 3: The hoeing of the ground on the papyrus of Khonsu-mes A, 21st dynasty (Piankoff 1957: i.145 Fig. 62). During the late period of Egyptian history certain suggestions indicating an Isis festival associated to the winter solstice appear. Thus Plutarch described a festival that was held on Athyr 17-20, according to the reformed calendar, when the sun is in Scorpio 8 If we do not take here into account the enigmatic description from the New Kingdom Book of Nut discussed in Bilić 2013, where the region ‘outside’ the sky, inaccessible to the sun is described. Another tentative example is to be found in Meyer 1875: 3, who translated the expression šént n aten found on a stele in Tombos, dating from the reign of Thutmose I, as ‘solstice/tropic’ and found further references to the northern and southern tropic in the continuation of the text (cf. Heidel 1937: 3 n. 7), yet Breasted (ARE ii.70, p. 29), on the other hand, translated the expression without any reference to the solstice (cf. WÄS iv.412; Faulkner 1962: 261). 112 Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? (De Is. et Os. XIII.356C, XXXIX.366DE, XLII.367EF; Neugebauer 1975: ii.580; Jones 1999: 261-6; Evans & Berggren 2006: 18-22). A passage in Achilles Tatius describing the Isia festival is often connected to this unnamed festival (Isag. 23): when the sun ‘descends’ from Cancer to Capricorn and the days become shorter the Egyptians mourn, and they celebrate when it commences its return towards Cancer (Jones 1999: 266-7). Furthermore, Geminus described how the Greeks believe that the Egyptian festival of Isia corresponds to the date of the winter solstice as determined by Eudoxus (Elem. Astron. VIII.20, 22 = fr. 214d Lasserre; cf. Neugebauer 1975: ii.579),9 although this only applies on the period 120 years previous to Geminus (VIII.21, 24), more precisely, the winter solstice fell on Athyr 19 in 179 BC (Evans & Berggren 2006: 19). Since the winter solstice fell on Athyr 19 or 20, according to Eudoxus (fr. 214b) and Democritus (68B14.2) (P. Par. 1 col. 22.21-23), while the Isia were celebrated in Athry (more precisely, on Athyr 17-20) both before and after the calendar reform (Jones 1999: 264-6), it seems that this important festival was associated to the winter solstice in the period from the 3rd c. BC to the 2nd c. AD.10 In sum, the Egyptian evidence does not seem to support the association of the solstices with the akhet-sign. Several such associations were proposed, both referring to linguistic (the dual akhty) and iconographic sources (the hoeing of the earth scene), as well as landscape arrangements (the Giza plateau) and much later religious-calendric considerations (the Isia). Yet none of them seems convincing. A similar concept in Mesopotamia? The iconographic motif found in the so-called horns of consecration and the Egyptian akhet-sign is also found in Mesopotamia.11 Moreover, it was here, precisely as in Egypt, associated with sun’s (diurnal) movement, more accurately, with the moment of its rising, the appearance at the horizon. Furthermore, these igural representations are analogous to the concept as expounded in literary sources (cf. Horowitz 1998: 97 n. 3, 266, 331). In short, according to both, Utu/Šamaš rises at dawn from the mountain of sunrise and sets into the corresponding mountain at sunset (Black & Green 2000: 184). Thus the solar deity Šamaš appears on numerous Akkadian cylinder seals depicted as rising behind or out of a double mountain, a mountain with two prominent summits with a deep breach between them. Occasionally he is represented thrusting upwards by propping himself with his hand(s) placed upon the two mountain tops; sometimes he is depicted, as if climbing, with a raised leg and his feet resting upon one of the summits. He wears a horned crown, 9 An alternative translation suggests that the Greeks believed that the date of the Isia, according to both the Egyptians and Eudoxus, fell on the winter solstice (Evans & Berggren 2006: 179 n. 10). According to [Gemin. Elem. Astron.] Parapêgma, Aujac p. 104.4 = fr. 214a Lasserre, Eudoxus’ winter solstice fell on the fourth day of the sun’s sojourn in Capricorn (according to Euctemon and Callipus the winter solstice fell on the irst day of Capricorn, Aujac 103.23-104.2). 10 Böckh 1863: 203-4 associated a hemerology dating from the New Kingdom (19th or 20th dynasty), where a festival held on Athyr 16-19 is described, the component of which was a mourning for Isis and Nephthys, with the Isia festival, but this should not be taken for granted (Jones 1999: 265 n. 14). 11 The analogy was also recognized by Marinatos 2010: 107-12, 115. 113 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 designating his divine nature, and usually holds in his hand a serrated knife or a pruning saw, with rays emanating from his shoulders (Frankfort 1934: 20, 1939: 98-100, 105-8 with Pl. XVIIIa, c, g, XIXa; Van Buren 1955: 1-14; Böhmer 1965: 71-6 with Taf. XXXII.377, XXXIII.392-XXXVI.439, XXXVIII.464-5; Black & Green 2000: 184 with Fig. 152 on p. 183; Woods 2004: 55, 57, 58, Fig. 21-4). This iconographic motif can be recognized in literary sources. Thus in the Gilgamesh Epic the sun sets into the western mountain Mašu, ‘Twins’ (George 2003a: i.492, 669, ii.863, 865), associated with the daily rising and setting of the sun (EG IX.39, 45; George 2003a: i.669, 2003b: 71); the Epic also mentions ‘the gate of the mountain’ Mašu (IX.42, 135; George 2003a: i.669, 671, 2003b: 71, 73), through which Gilgamesh passes following the path of the sun. In general other literary sources corroborate the concept from the GE. Thus, to give several examples, according to Third house prayer, Utu rises from kur-gal, ‘Great Mountain’, kur-idim, ‘(subterranean?) Mountain of the Spring’, and ‘Holy Hill’ (du6-kù = apsû?), from the place where heaven and earth embrace at ‘the base of heaven’ (an.úr = išid same, i.e. the horizon) (Borger 1967: 3-4, l. 1-4; Horowitz 1998: 235, 315-6, 331), while according to Tigi song to Inanna he rises from the Cedar Mountain (cf. Kramer 1944: 20-1; Horowitz 1998: 331), and according to BA 10.1, 11ff he rises from the interior of heaven and crosses over the mountains of Hašur(tree) (cf. George 2003a: ii.864 and a prayer K.3333+ and Nabonidus’ inscription, OECT 1.27.iii.10-1; at Incantation of Utu, OrAnt 8.8:33-5 Utu owns both the Cedar and Hašur mountains) (cf. Kramer 1944: 20 n. 9). George (2003a: ii.864) further cites the Enki and the World Order (373, ETCSL 374-5, cf. Black, Cunningham, Robson & Zólyomi 2004: 223) and a Sumerian hymn to Ninurta (TCL XV.7.13) for the sun rising from Hašur/hašur trees, while Albright (1919: 179, 190) identiies the mountain of Hašur with Masios, which, in its turn, he identiies with Mašu. In a lament for Dumuzi (CT XV.26.22) cedar is described as ‘the consecrated of Hašur, the shade/dark tree/black wood of Dilmun’ (Albright 1919: 181; Kramer 1944: 21, 1963: 281-2; Jacobsen 1976: 70; Livingstone 1986: 110), while Dilmun, ‘the place where Utu rises’, is further mentioned in the Eridu Genesis (CBS 10673, Nippur Segment E, l. 11 (col. vi l. 11 = v. 260 or 261); Kramer in ANET p. 38, 1944: 18-9, 1956: 81, 1961: 98, 1983: 121; Heidel 1949: 105; Jacobsen 1981: 525, 1987: 250; Civil 1969: 145, West 1997: 167; Caspers & Govindankutty 1978: 139; Horowitz 1998: 329; George 2003a: i.275 n. 141, 496, 519; Black, Cunningham, Robson & Zólyomi 2004: 215). Furthermore, the Akkadian translation of the twelfth tablet of the Utukku lemnutu series explains that the Dark and Bright Mountains are precisely the mountains of Sunset and Sunrise, respectively (Heimpel 1986: 143-5; Horowitz 1998: 332; George 2003a: i.493 n. 169, with another similar passage in KAR 24.5-7), while a Sumerian hymn to Enlil places the mountains of sunrise and sunset at the edges of heaven and earth (Horowitz 1998: 331, cf. George 2003a: i.493 n. 169). Sumerian literary work Inanna and Sukalletuda also mentions the mountains of Sunset and Sunrise (Horowitz 1998: 249, cf. George 2003a: i.493 n. 169), and a lipšur litany, type I.1.4, claims that Šamaš enters Aja (his consort) through the Buduèudug Mountain (Reiner 1956: 132-3; cf. George 2003a: ii.863, litany derived from SB Hh XXII.5, also the Emar version, Msk 74115 obv. 28’). George (2003a: ii.864) quotes several additional references to the mountains of sunrise (a hymn to Nungal, a hymn in which the mountain is called Nergal’s) and sunset (Udugèul IV.61). Thus, the literary sources suggest that the 114 Tomislav Bilić: Solar Symbolism of ‘Horns of Consecration’? sun both rises from and sets into a cosmic mountain, most probably the double mountain of Mašu, which is depicted in iconographic sources as a variant of ‘horns of consecration’ symbol. Figure 4: Akkadian cylinder seal (Black & Green 2000: 183 Fig. 152). Yet nowhere is this Mesopotamian concept associated with solstices, although the latter were, naturally, well known there. Thus in the mulApin (II.i.9-24) the solar year is deined by the solstices, in their turn deined, among other things, by the position of the sun at the eastern horizon and the change in direction of the course of the position of successive sunrises at the eastern horizon (II.i.11-2, 17-8, cf. II.ii.3; Hunger & Pingree 1989: 72-3, 75, 92). The word used in the mulApin is GUR (târu), ‘to turn (around)’ (see CAD 18.256-7 t s.v. târu 3a1’), which probably means that the expression deinitely refers to the ‘turnings’ at the horizon, since the normal term for the solstice in Akkadian is šamáš GUB (izziz(a)), where GUB (uzuzzu) means ‘to stand’ (Rochberg 1998: 43, 157, 2010: 194-6; cf. Gössmann 1950: 184.373). In Enuma Eliš VII.127 there appears a term KUN.SAG.GI (Akk. rēš-arkat), literally ‘front-back’ (Landsberger & Kinnier Wilson 1961: 173; cf. Deimel 1912: 58, tempus praeterlapsum et futurum),12 but is sometimes translated as ‘turnings’ (Speiser in ANET, p. 72), ‘turning point’ (Horowitz 1998: 115), or ‘Wendepunkt, solstice point’ (von Soden 1942: 17; Heidel 1942: 59).13 This translation seems plausible, but due to the unsolved problem of the nature of nēberu associated with this concept, it is not possible to discuss it any further. CAD r 14.285-8 s.v. rēšu 4, a2 1.2.274-6 s.v. arkatu 1. Kunsaggû, an Akkadian loan word, is translated as ‘turning point’ on the basis of identiication KUN.SAG. GA = muhru, ‘street chapel marking the turning point of a processional circuit’ (CAD m2 10.2.177 s.v. muhru 2, k 8.542 s.v. kunsangû; Horowitz 1998: 115, n. 12). 12 13 115 Anthropological Notebooks, XIX, Supplement, 2013 Interestingly, a Kassite lapis lazuli seal from the reign of king Burnaburiash (1359-1333 BC) found in Thebes (in a LH IIIB context, 1300-1200 BC) depicts a curious pastiche of elements characteristic of both Šamaš and Ea: a deity is represented emerging from between two triangular mountain tops in a characteristic Šamaš-pose. But he holds in his outstretched hands two jars from which he pours out water, which is a recognizable characteristic of Ea (Müller-Karpe 1980: iv.2 p. 782, iv.3 Taf. 254C; Porada 1981). The seal conirms that the 13th c. Mycenaeans in Thebes could have been familiar with the concept of the sun between ‘the horns of consecration’ in their Mesopotamian version. However, no direct association with the solstices is evident. Conclusion The analysis of Egyptian evidence for the association of the solstices with the presumed predecessor of the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’, the akhet-sign, did not reveal any signiicant results. Moreover, it does not seem that the solstices, apart from the evidence adduced from the orientations of a not inconsiderable group of temples,14 played a signiicant role in Egyptian cosmology in general. The evidence adduced in support of the thesis according to which the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ represented either a symbol of or a practical instruments used for the observations of the solstices is similarly tentative, to say the least (the Petsophas sanctuary). It seems that it is possible that the Minoan ‘horns of consecration’ were indeed derived from Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for ‘mountain’ or ‘horizon’, and that the latter’s solar character was indeed recognized by the receiving society. However, the association with the solstices is non-existent in both cultural complexes. Similarly, a corresponding iconographical motif was well-known in Mesopotamia, in the same way associated with sunrise, horizon and two-peaked mountain. And yet in this region there are still no apparent associations with solstices. Consequently, it is not possible to reach any substantiated conclusion concerning the relatioship between the ‘horns of consecration’ and the solstices in the Vučedol culture. It could be argued that the postulated context in which they were found on the Vučedol hill fort and the larger context of the Vučedol culture in general could suggest a possible association of the so-called horns of consecration with the observation of the solstices, whether as symbolic representations or practical instruments.The immediate context is a structure possibly oriented towards the summer solstice sunset and used to determine the day of the summer solstice with the ‘halving the difference’ method, while the larger context is that of a culture known to have performed horizon solar observations and utilized them in the decoration of their pottery. 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